Our Party is ahead of the other internationalist parties; this is a fact now. And it is in duty bound to take the initiative, to come forward with a programme answering questions about imperialism. It will be a scandal and a shame if we do not do this. See more
Our Party must come forward with a programme—that is the only way we can promote the cause of the Third International in deeds instead of words.
We may be asked: aren’t we going to fight against KornilovCommander in Chief of the Petrograd command - from 18 March 1917? Of course we must! But this is not the same thing; there is a dividing Line here, which is being stepped over by some Bolsheviks who fall into compromise and allow themselves to be carried away by the course of events. See more
We shall fight, we are fighting against Kornilov, just as Kerensky's troops do, but we do not support Kerensky. On the contrary, we expose his weakness. There is the difference. It is rather a subtle difference, but it is highly essential and must not be forgotten.
It is all too advantageous for the Mensheviks to put about false rumours and allegations to the effect that the government they support is saving the revolution. To believe these rumours, to support them directly or indirectly, would mean, on the part of the Bolsheviks, betraying the cause of the revolution. See more
The chief guarantee of its success today is for the people to clearly realise the treachery of the Mensheviks and S.R.s and completely break with them, and for every revolutionary worker to boycott them as completely as they boycotted the Cadets after the experience of 1905.
The world proletarian revolution is clearly maturing. The question of its relation to the state is acquiring practical importance. The elements of opportunism that accumulated over the decades of comparatively peaceful development have given rise to the trend of social-chauvinism which dominated the official socialist parties throughout the world. See more
This trend - socialism in words and chauvinism in deeds (Plekhanov, Potresov, Breshkovskaya, Rubanovich, and, in a slightly veiled form, Tsereteli, Chernov and Co. in Russia; Scheidemann. Legien, David and others in Germany; Renaudel, Guesde and Vandervelde in France and Belgium; Hyndman and the Fabians in England, etc., etc.) - is conspicuous for the base, servile adaptation of the "leaders of socialism" to the interests not only of "their" national bourgeoisie, but of "their" state, for the majority of the so-called Great Powers have long been exploiting and enslaving a whole number of small and weak nations. And the imperialist war is a war for the division and redivision of this kind of booty.
Ilyich has settled in Helsingfors. He sent me a letter written in invisible ink asking me to come, told me his address and even drew a map showing me how to get there without asking anyone. But when I heated up the letter over a lamp, the corner of the map burnt off. The Yemelianovs have got me a passport too – the passport of an old working woman from Sestroretsk. See more
I tied a scarf around my head and went to Razliv to see the Yemelianovs. They took me across the border; for people living near the border, a passport is enough to cross to the other side. Some officer inspected the passports. Once I was over the border, I had to travel about five versts to a small station, Olilla, and board a troop train there. Everything went off without a hitch. The only problem was the corner of the map which had been burnt-off. I wandered about the streets for a long time until I found the right street. Ilyich was delighted. It was clear that he is terribly frustrated to have to stay undercover at a time when it is crucial for him to be in the centre of events, preparing for battle. I told him everything I knew.
Living in a hut near the Razliv station where Ilyich was hiding was no longer possible. Autumn arrived, and Ilyich decided to move to Finland, where he wanted to write his planned State and Revolution which he had already done a lot of extracts, and had considered from all sides. See more
It was also easier to follow the newspapers in Finland. Emelyanov made him a passport for a Sestroretsk worker, and Ilyich wore a wig and made himself up a bit. Dmitry Ilyich Leshchenko, an old party comrade from 1905-1907, the former secretary of our Bolshevik newspapers, who often slept over at Vladimir Ilyich’s, went to Razliv and photographed Ilyich (a picture was to be attached to the passport). Cde. Yalava, a Finnish comrade who worked as a machinist on the Finnish Railway, Cdes. Shotman and Rakhya knew him well, took on himself to transport Ilyich in the guise of a stoker. And that’s how it was done.
I keep recalling those memorable days and nights. A cold, starry night. The smell of freshly mown hay. A cloud of smoke from the little bonfire where we brewed tea in a big kettle. Strolling with Vladimir Ilyich. See more
At first, Ilyich is silent, and at times downcast. Later he cheers up, sketching out great ideas from future great works, recalling the past, and depicting the future in bold colours. The day comes to an end, and we lie down in our little shelter. It’s cold. We cover ourselves with an old blanket. The blanket is too narrow, so each of us tries, surreptitiously, to pull the larger part of it over the other, and leave less for ourselves. Ilyich mentions that he is wearing a padded jacket, and so can do easily without a blanket. Sometimes I lie for a long time, unable to get to sleep. In the absolute silence, I can hear Ilyich’s heart beating... We sleep pressed close together. Even now, ten years later, the smell of hay and the smoke from a bonfire often bring to mind that time, and I will feel a stab of pain in my heart, as if it were pierced by a needle. Why is Ilyich no longer with us? Everything could have been different...No matter what, Ilyich’s cause will triumph.
Every revolution means a sharp turn in the lives of a vast number of people. Unless the time is ripe for such a turn, no real revolution can take place. And just as any turn in the life of an individual teaches him a great deal and brings rich experience and great emotional stress, so a revolution teaches an entire people very rich and valuable lessons in a short space of time. See more
During a revolution, millions and tens of millions of people learn in a week more than they do in a year of ordinary, somnolent life. For at the time of a sharp turn in the life of an entire people it becomes particularly clear what aims the various classes of the people are pursuing, what strength they possess, and what methods they use.
We must clearly and decidedly state that those who advised comrades Lenin and Zinovyev not to be arrested did right. We must clearly respond to the harassment of the bourgeois press that would unnerve our laborers. Harassment against Lenin and Zinovyev is harassment against us, against the party, against revolutionary democracy. See more
We must make clear to our comrades that we do not trust the Provisional Government and the bourgeoisie, that we will not give up Lenin and Zinovyev until justice shines victorious, that is, until this shameful tribunal ends. In the name of the congress, we must applaud the actions of comrades Lenin and Zinovyev.
Our hide-out was secure. But we still had to be vigilant. The police investigation assumed unprecedented dimensions. Hunting for Vladimir Ilyich, they scoured every house in a number of neighbourhoods. Police dogs combed Petersburg. This, of course, was a little unnerving. Work on the Sixth Congress of our Party, taking place semi-illegally in the city, was being directed by Vladimir Ilyich from our shelter. See more
It was here that the principal points of the most important resolutions of the Sixth Congress were sketched out. (We formed a committee of sorts in the shelter: while Vladimir Ilyich sketched out the various articles and resolutions, I was charged with writing a resolution on trade unions.) It was here, too, that Vladimir Ilyich wrote his famous article “A Respose to the Slanderers”.
In the hut we have immediately felt ourselves calmer. Life began to “normilise.” Around us there was no one for miles. Tired and exhausted by work and hardships, Vladimir Ilyich enjoyed involuntary rest for the first couple of days. See more
As much as the clandestine considerations allowed, he took walks, went swimming in Razliv, lay in the sun. In the meantime, two lines of communication were being established from the hut: one—with Petrograd, another—with Finland. The main focus was, of course, the first one.
Certain newspapers have started an insane witch hunt against us, accusing us of espionage and plotting with the enemy government. They implicate Ganetsky and Kozlovsky and provide no facts. See more
And we have never participated in any commercial business, we haven't received any money from either of the aforementioned gentlemen; neither for ourselves, nor for the party.
Would parties of socialists and mensheviks want to take part in an attempt of juridical murder? In commiting us for trial without even telling if we are accused of espionage or revolt? In commiting anyone at all for trial without proper crime classification? For an obviously biased trial that can damage the chances of these people to get elected to the Constituent Assembly, even though their parties selected them for this job? We will know the answer in the nearest future. We believe that it is the duty of the free press to ask such questions openly.