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Project 1917 is a series of events that took place a hundred years ago as described by those involved. It is composed only of diaries, letters, memoirs, newspapers and other documents

If I am to be bumped off, I ask you to publish my notebook “Marxism and the State” (which got left behind in Stockholm). It is bound and with a blue cover.

It was a moment of hesitation for Ilich. He laid out the arguments for the necessity of going to court. “Grigory and I have decided to go to court. Go and let Kamenev know”, Ilich said to me. At this moment Kamenev was in a nearby flat. I was hurrying out the door when Vladimir Ilich stopped me: “Let us say our farewells; it may be that we will not see each other again”. See more

A new wave of slander has arisen against Lenin, and this time it is unimaginably dirty. Comrade Lenin is known to all revolutionaries of all shades, and has been already for several years. No one has ever dared to speak about the political dishonesty of comrade Lenin. It is not easy. It is painful. Only the man who is ready to sacrifice everything for a just cause can walk his own path through the system of bribes, slander, all the baseness of which the bourgeoisie is capable. Lenin is such a man.

What stands out in my mind, is a small, fleeting meeting in a choir gallery of the Tavrichesky Palace (by the cafeteria): Vladimir Ilyich, Trotsky, and the one who is writing these lines. “Shouldn’t we try now,” laughing, said Lenin, but immediately added, “no, we cannot take power now, because those on the front are not yet with us. Now, a soldier, deceived by liberals would come and slaughter Petersburg workers.”

The workers’ and soldiers’ battalions marching in step. About half a million protestors, united by their comradely purpose, united around slogans, among which by far the most dominant were: “All Power to the Soviets”, “Out with the 10 Capitalist Ministers”, “No to a separate peace with the Germans, no to secrets treats with the Anglo-French capitalists” e.t.c. See more

On Sunday the manifestation of the whole revolution will take place. Our slogans are: down with the counter-revolution, the Duma, the imperialists. All power to the Soviets. Long live the control of workers over production. Arming the people. See more

The Provisional Government is under a deep illusion. They thought that the  “import” of Lenin and Co by the Germans would in itself completely discredit them in the eyes of the public and prevent anyone from successfully preaching them. And indeed, at different rallis, the subject of the “sealed car” always had great success. See more

A riddle: “What’s the difference between an ordinary bourgeois government and a government which is extraordinary, revolutionary, and doesn’t regard itself as bourgeois?” The difference, they say, is the following:    See more

As I was passing through Petrograd, I casually stopped at the palace of Kshesinskaya. It was interesting, after all, to visit the apartments of the Tsar’s former mistress, which are now occupied by the Bolsheviks, who send panic throughout all of Petrograd. And frankly, I wanted to meet Lenin himself. See more

The Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies recently adjourned at the Cadets’ College has only deepened my pessimism. The meeting began with a discussion of the Dacha Durnovo. Pereverzev, Liber, Kamenev, Tsereteli with his histrionics, and Lunacharsky, all made speeches, the latter receiving reproaches from the Asiatic Chkheidze for addressing the congress without the reverence apparently accorded it. See more

Unfortunately, far from all of the speeches currently being made at the All-Russia Conference of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies can be called intelligent. Lenin and his associates seem to have lost all their capacity for reason. Our well-known founder of a new religion, Father Anatoly Lunacharsky, has suffered the same loss. See more

I'm not happy that Messrs Lenin and Trotsky are at large. They’ve committed plenty of sins against the Criminal Code. These gentlemen are unleashing contagion into Russian society and the Russian army.

I have been working hard at the Congress. On the third day there was a large, captivating meeting. Tsereteli spoke about general politics with dignity and intelligence, and he defended his impossible position as powerfully and systematically as could be imagined possible. Lenin spoke after him. See more

There are two Internationals: 1) the International of the Plekhanovs, j. e., of those who have betrayed socialism, i. e., of people who have deserted to their governments: Plekhanov, Guesde, Scheidemann, Sembat, Thomas, Henderson, Vandervelde, Bissolati and Co.; and 2) the International of the revolutionary internationalists who even in war-time fight everywhere in a revolutionary mood against their governments, against their bourgeoisie. "The great Russian revolution" can become “great”, can "consolidate its position" and ’"grow in depth" only if it stops supporting the imperialist “coalition” government, the imperialist war which that government is waging, and the capitalist class as a whole.

Ilyich addresses the First All-Russia Congress of the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies. In the hall, full of people, the Bolsheviks were sitting in the back, in a small group. Only the Bolsheviks applauded during Ilyich’s speech, but it was apparent that it created a strong impression. Someone said afterwards that Kerensky, after this address, was unconscious for three hours. I don’t know how close this was to the truth.

Age: 47
Birth name: Vladimir Ulyanov
Views: Bolshevik
Occupation: Revolutionary


in Petrograd
in Moscow