The Russian people are suffering from economic fatigue and from disillusionment with the Allies. The whole world believes that the Russian Revolution is at an end. Do not be mistaken. The Russian Revolution is only just beginning.
Those who arrived from Riga tell of an interesting directive of the German forces in Riga.
After the capture of Ezel, the Superintendent of Riga suggested to all priests in Russian churches, during mass, to refer in their prayers to Nicholas II and his family as the rulers of Russia, as in the times before the revolution. See more
The Germans are not concealing their certitude that they can install Nicholas II back to the throne and that they will carry out all peace negotiations with Nicholas II as the Russian Tsar.
That’s who the Germans are catering to in Russia—not to workers and soldiers, but to Nicholas II. The soldiers should keep this in mind.
Stormy was the all-night meeting of the Petrograd Soviet the 30th of October, at which I was present. The “moderate” Socialist intellectuals, officers, members of Army Committees, the Tsay-ee-kah, were there in force. Against them rose up workmen, peasants and common soldiers, passionate and simple. See more
A peasant told of the disorders in Tver, which he said were caused by the arrest of the Land Committees. “This Kerensky is nothing but a shield to the pomieshtchiki (landowners),” he cried. “They know that at the Constituent Assembly we will take the land anyway, so they are trying to destroy the Constituent Assembly!”
A machinist from the Putilov works described how the superintendents were closing down the departments one by one on the pretext that there was no fuel or raw materials. The Factory-Shop Committee, he declared, had discovered huge hidden supplies.
“It is a provocatzia,” said he. “They want to starve us—or drive us to violence!”
Among the soldiers one began, “Comrades! I bring you greetings from the place where men are digging their graves and call them trenches!”
Then arose a tall, gaunt young soldier, with flashing eyes, met with a roar of welcome. It was Tchudnovsky, reported killed in the July fighting, and now risen from the dead.
“The soldier masses no longer trust their officers. Even the Army Committees, who refused to call a meeting of our Soviet, betrayed us. The masses of the soldiers want the Constituent Assembly to be held exactly when it was called for, and those who dare to postpone it will be cursed—and not only platonic curses either, for the Army has guns too.”
He told of the electoral campaign for the Constituent now raging in the Fifth Army. “The officers, and especially the Mensheviki and the Socialist Revolutionaries, are trying deliberately to cripple the Bolsheviki. Our papers are not allowed to circulate in the trenches. Our speakers are arrested—”
“Why don’t you speak about the lack of bread?” shouted another soldier.
“Man shall not live by bread alone,” answered Tchudnovsky, sternly.
It seems apposite to ask: could there really be adventurers who, observing a waning of the revolutionary energies of the thinking part of the proletariat, hope to kindle these energies by means of a profuse blood-letting? See more
Or do these adventurers wish to expedite the blows of the counterrevolution, and are they striving, for the sake of this objective, to disorganise the forces which are being organised with such difficulty?
The Bolsheviks’ Central Committee is obliged to refute the rumours about the action; it must do this if it genuinely constitutes a powerful and freely acting political body capable of directing the masses rather than a spineless plaything of the moods of the feral thong, or, indeed, an instrument in the hands of the most utterly impudent adventurers or crazed fanatics.
In view of the intensified discussion about the question of an armed action, Comrade Zinoviev and I have written to our main party organizations in Petrograd, Moscow and Finland, emphatically opposing the idea that our party should engage in any kind of armed action in the immediate future. See more
I have to say that I am unaware of any party decision to undertake an armed action of any sort on any given day.
Tereschenko delivered a speech in the Provisional Council in which he not only made a firm stand against the Soviet's claim to any separate repre- sentation at the conference, but also denounced in no measured language the instructions which they had given to Scobeleff. See more
While his speech did not go far enough to satisfy the right, the Socialists complained that his uncompromising attitude on the subject of their instructions had rendered co-operation between the Government and the democracy almost impossible. In the discussion which followed Tereschenko was bitterly attacked, and on the following day Scobeleff told Kerensky that, unless the Government sent someone else to Paris, revolutionary democracy would give up all idea of being represented at the conference. The leaders of the different democratic groups, whom Kerensky consulted, all supported Scobeleff, and warned Kerensky that if Tereschenko went to the con- ference the Government would find its relations with the left wing of the Provisional Council seriously compromised.
Finally the sun came out, the day was fine and the snow melted. During the evening I read aloud The Marriage by Gogol.