There were many violations and outrages against humanity committed in the old “bourgeois” world. Has the newly-minted world of “socialism” swept aside and overcome this old evil? No - it is committing a thousand more violations and outrages against humanity. The very idea of human freedom and sacred human rights is quite alien to this new world.
The Russian revolution has an anti-nationalistic character, and it has turned Russia into a bloodless corpse. Yet despite this anti-nationalistic character, the peculiarities of our nation, the “Russian style”, have significantly determined the course of this unhappy and destructive revolution. See more
Our ancient national flaws and sins have not only led to this revolution but have also shaped its character. The ghosts of the Russian revolution are Russian ghosts, despite the way they have been turned against us by our enemy. Its spirituality is a Russian spirituality. Its mania is that which often grips the Russian people.
The nation has brought itself to suicide. On these grounds not only the army (which is an inherently hierarchical body) is falling apart; the government is falling apart, culture is falling apart, every possible societal mode or structure is falling apart, the self is falling apart. See more
An evil envy toward one’s neighbor, whether material or spiritual, lies at the foundation of Russian revolutionary democracy. A low and pitiful foundation, one that can hold neither government nor culture, neither agricultural life nor the life of the spirit!
The traditional history of the Russian intelligentsia is over. It was in power, and there was hell on earth. Indeed, the Russian revolution has some great mission, but the mission is not creative, but negative - it must expose the lie and emptiness of some idea that the Russian intelligentsia was obsessed with and with which it poisoned the Russian people.
It must be loudly proclaimed that in revolutionary Russia the freedoms of speech, thought and the press are non-existent – that they exist to an even lesser degree than in the old autocratic Russia. The revolutionary democratic societal order demands a greater conformity of thought than the pre-revolutionary reactionary powers, which were too indifferent to every nuance of societal thought and incapable of making sense of it. See more
The censorship imposed by the revolutionary democratic societal set-up is more all-encompassing and pervasive than our old censorship. And it must be said that a censorship driven by rampaging popular masses is invariably more terrifying than that instigated by governmental authorities, whom much tends to elude. When the people themselves violate the freedoms of thought and speech, said violations are more terrible, more oppressive than those that might committed by governmental authorities: there is no escaping their effects.
Socialism is not right for the Russian people and the Russian state; beggars can’t be choosers. There is some grain of truth in socialism, but at this historical hour I will stand for any party and any class that is built on patriotism and nationalism, that will save the motherland from destruction. See more
Only those parties and those classes can truly be called progressive. Antipatriotic, antinationalist, antigovernmental socialism is deeply reactionary, and it will have no place in the future of Free Russia.
It is an ugly lie to bellow that the party of “people's freedom” is bourgeois in nature, that it defends the interests of the capitalists, that it contains the seed of the counter-revolution. This party could, truly and in accordance with actual reality, be accused of a degree of academism, of an over-reliance on external constitutional forms, of an inability to attract the broader masses, of a lack of strength and will. See more
It is the party of legislative idealism, the most unselfish of our parties, unblighted by demagoguery if afflicted by party bureaucratism. In terms of its composition, the Cadet Party is the party of the highest echelons of the country’s intelligentsia, of professors and zemstvo members, while any bourgeois elements, in the strict sense of that word, play but an insignificant role in it.
There is nothing more horrible than a decaying war, a decaying army, and a multi-million army at that. The decay of the war and the army creates chaos and anarchy. Russia faces this type of chaos and anarchy.
We still have no genuine parties with realistic political programmes. The slogans used by the parties are entirely artificial, and it is not clear to whom they are addressed; they are not taken seriously by those who proclaim them. See more
For instance, what real meaning does the slogan “All land for the Working People” have at municipal elections, where everything is connected to the practical provision of urban amenities?
The city Duma is not intended to decide the question of land for the peasants, and it has no right to legislative power. And the great mass of people – city-dwellers in domestic service, for the most part - that has been seduced by the slogan “land and freedom”, has been misled.
I’m not a fan of Plekhanov, and his ideas are alien to me. But now I feel a great deal of respect for him and he touches me. He could be the most popular and glorified man in Russia, he is the long-time leader of Russian Social Democracy. To achieve this he would have had to become just a bit of a demagogue, to embark on the path of flattery and indulgence to mass instincts.
The specter of “counterrevolution” is being disgracefully misused. The manner in which this word is being applied in the left-socialist press, at public meetings, and at private debates, should be called nothing less than moral blackmail. It is the easiest way to silence an opponent and deprive him of his voice. “Counterrevolutionary” is now any opinion which its pronouncer dislikes.
Russia's isolation in the world cannot be allowed. It needs to have allies in Europe, and those allies could only be England and France. It needs to stay true to allies and to follow common goals. Only then will it really, and not dreamily, enter humanity, world culture, the extent of the world. Dreamy internationalism only pushes us into Asia and isolates us.
Russian Revolution is a tragicomedy. It is the final act of a Gogol epic. And perhaps the bleakest and most hopeless in it is what it took from Gogol. In whatever is in it from Dostoyevsky, there are more glimmers of light. Russia needs to break free from the power of Gogol’s ghost .
The “bourgeois” revolution currently underway in Russia is not a class revolution but a supra-class, all-people’s revolution with national- and state-level objectives. But if a “proletarian” revolution were now to occur in Russia, it would be an exclusively class-based revolution of an anti-national and anti-state character, and it would lead to violent dictatorship followed, in accordance with immutable law, by Caesarism.
We can criticise our Provisional Government from different points of view, but there is no doubt that it has a highly developed sense of responsibility. It assumed responsibility for the great whole, called Russia, at the most difficult moment of Russian history and is ready to bear this responsibility to the end. It has no self-sufficient love of power, no self-assertion, no dictatorship.