The government has charged me with the delicate task of restoring the coalition, with the inclusion of the same parties which were part of it in the past. I intended to carry this out as soon as possible. See more
I admit, it is a hard situation, because, although I consider the inclusion of the Constitutional democrats absolutely essential, I realised that everything the leader Milyukova does, every speech he delivers and every article he writes, would provoke a new wave of indignation, as there was in March and April.
I was well aware of the interrelationship between Kerensky and KornilovCommander in Chief of the Petrograd command - from 18 March 1917 long before their definitive falling out. A group of pro-Kornilov technicians were in full opposition to Kerensky's government, which they blamed for the rapid collapse of Russia. Kerenskii, for his part, described Kornilov and his supporters as state enemies. See more
After the July events, new forces were created for defense against Bolsheviks, but instead of uniting before a common enemy, the army of patriots split into three camps. The Bolsheviks were beside themselves with joy. What more could they ask for from fate?
Kerensky’s government was dying to get its hands on me. They never failed to use anything they found to discredit me, even if it were the most trifling detail. All of the secret services of Europe were on my trail: Russia, Romania, England, France, Italy… My house in Copenhagen was surrounded by agents from these nations, who tracked each and every step I took. See more
My letters were intercepted and opened. Nevertheless, and despite the Russian government’s obvious prejudice against me, they couldn’t find anything to use to build up a case against me. In the end the government buried the case.
Finally, we have a “new” (completely new!) government of five. Kerensky, Tereschenko, Verkhovskiy, Verderevskiy, and Nikitin, the “Directorate” of five—this is the “new” power, “elected” by Kerensky, approved by Kerensky, accountable to Kerensky and independent from workers, peasants, and soldiers.
It was all over on the morning of September 13th. The Commander-in-Chief's rebellion was crushed in four days, without a single gunshot, without a single drop of blood shed.
We may be asked: aren’t we going to fight against KornilovCommander in Chief of the Petrograd command - from 18 March 1917? Of course we must! But this is not the same thing; there is a dividing Line here, which is being stepped over by some Bolsheviks who fall into compromise and allow themselves to be carried away by the course of events. See more
We shall fight, we are fighting against Kornilov, just as Kerensky's troops do, but we do not support Kerensky. On the contrary, we expose his weakness. There is the difference. It is rather a subtle difference, but it is highly essential and must not be forgotten.
The people are entirely passive. There is only one phrase on anyone’s lips: we don’t care. Whether there is Kerensky or KornilovCommander in Chief of the Petrograd command - from 18 March 1917, order, calm, food, does not concern them. Yet on the other hand the mood is fearful, anxious and nervous.
If KornilovCommander in Chief of the Petrograd command - from 18 March 1917 fails, Kerensky’s star will quickly fall - socialists from the Bolshevik bloc will have free reign in their efforts to openly ruin Russia. From a purely political point of view, Kornilov’s intervention was premature. Nevertheless, the realities of the military situation evidently demanded it.
I command that General KornilovCommander in Chief of the Petrograd command - from 18 March 1917 surrender the position of High Commander. I command that he notify the city of Petrograd and the Petrograd region of the activation of martial law and that he expand the activity of all regulations associated with martial law to that region.
I call all citizens to maintain the complete calm and order necessary for the rescue of the motherland. I call all officers of the army and navy to self-sacrifice and the calm fulfillment of their duties—the defense of the motherland from her external enemy!
At nine o’clock we were told that a commissar of Kerensky’s called Kuzmin had come with a convoy of ten men and wanted to speak to us. Kuzmin took three papers out of his pocket which he read to us, one after the other. They said that in view of the possible disturbances, and because of the approach of KornilovCommander in Chief of the Petrograd command - from 18 March 1917, with the aim of restoring the monarchy, the Provisional Government thought it necessary to put (there followed each of our names) under house arrest and that the garrison at Tsarksoe Selo was charged with guarding us. See more
The Grand Duke took the paper and looked at the signature “Governor General of Petrograd, Boris Savnikov.” So that wretched creature who ordered the killing of the Grand Duke’s brother has now turned on the Grand Duke himself and on his family.
I came to the Winter Palace to a session of the Provisional Government in order to defend a bill on the death penalty behind the front line. Without a word, Kerensky held out a piece of paper covered in writing to me. I read it and could not believe my eyes. The gist of it was that the Commander-in-Chief is ordering the immediate transfer of complete military and civil authority to him. The signature of V Lvov was beneath this ultimatum. I advised Kerensky to come to an arrangement with Gen. KornilovCommander in Chief of the Petrograd command - from 18 March 1917.
I immediately went to the Malakhitov Hall, where the Cabinet meeting was being held, and, after reporting on my meeting with Lvov, I read out his memo and the verbatim text of my conversation with Kornilov. After pleading for the suppression of the mutiny, I declared that I only considered it possible to fight the rebellion if the Provisional Government transferred all power into my hands. See more
After a short discussion, it was decided to transfer to the chairman total power in order to put an end to Commander-in-Chief General Kornilov’s anti-government offensive as soon as possible.
Around 11 o'clock in the evening, I appeared at the meeting of the Provisional Government with all the documents in my hands. At my suggestion, the following measures were unanimously approved: 1) by telegram, to invite General Kornilov to transfer the authority of Commander-in-Chief to General Klembovsky, commander of the Northern Front, and immediately to come to Petrograd; 2) give me special powers to prevent and suppress an open coup d'état at the root.