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Project 1917 is a series of events that took place a hundred years ago as described by those involved. It is composed only of diaries, letters, memoirs, newspapers and other documents

Socialism is not right for the Russian people and the Russian state; beggars can’t be choosers. There is some grain of truth in socialism, but at this historical hour I will stand for any party and any class that is built on patriotism and nationalism, that will save the motherland from destruction. See more

It is an ugly lie to bellow that the party of “people's freedom” is bourgeois in nature, that it defends the interests of the capitalists, that it contains the seed of the counter-revolution. This party could, truly and in accordance with actual reality, be accused of a degree of academism, of an over-reliance on external constitutional forms, of an inability to attract the broader masses, of a lack of strength and will. See more

There is nothing more horrible than a decaying war, a decaying army, and a multi-million army at that. The decay of the war and the army creates chaos and anarchy. Russia faces this type of chaos and anarchy.

We still have no genuine parties with realistic political programmes. The slogans used by the parties are entirely artificial, and it is not clear to whom they are addressed; they are not taken seriously by those who proclaim them. See more

I’m not a fan of Plekhanov, and his ideas are alien to me. But now I feel a great deal of respect for him and he touches me. He could be the most popular and glorified man in Russia, he is the long-time leader of Russian Social Democracy. To achieve this he would have had to become just a bit of a demagogue, to embark on the path of flattery and indulgence to mass instincts.

The specter of “counterrevolution” is being disgracefully misused. The manner in which this word is being applied in the left-socialist press, at public meetings, and at private debates, should be called nothing less than moral blackmail. It is the easiest way to silence an opponent and deprive him of his voice. “Counterrevolutionary” is now any opinion which its pronouncer dislikes.

Russia's isolation in the world cannot be allowed. It needs to have allies in Europe, and those allies could only be England and France. It needs to stay true to allies and to follow common goals. Only then will it really, and not dreamily, enter humanity, world culture, the extent of the world. Dreamy internationalism only pushes us into Asia and isolates us.

Russian Revolution is a tragicomedy. It is the final act of a Gogol epic. And perhaps the bleakest and most hopeless in it is what it took from Gogol. In whatever is in it from Dostoyevsky, there are more glimmers of light. Russia needs to break free from the power of Gogol’s ghost .

The “bourgeois” revolution currently underway in Russia is not a class revolution but a supra-class, all-people’s revolution with national- and state-level objectives. But if a “proletarian” revolution were now to occur in Russia, it would be an exclusively class-based revolution of an anti-national and anti-state character, and it would lead to violent dictatorship followed, in accordance with immutable law, by Caesarism.

We can criticise our Provisional Government from different points of view, but there is no doubt that it has a highly developed sense of responsibility. It assumed responsibility for the great whole, called Russia, at the most difficult moment of Russian history and is ready to bear this responsibility to the end. It has no self-sufficient love of power, no self-assertion, no dictatorship.

The Russian man doesn’t feel the inseparable connection between rights and obligations; he has a clouded consciousness when it comes to rights and duties - he is buried in irresponsible collectivism, trying to claim for everyone. The most difficult thing for the Russian man to feel is that he is the master of his own destiny.

The Russian man doesn’t feel the inseparable connection between rights and obligations; he has a clouded consciousness when it comes to rights and duties - he is buried in irresponsible collectivism, trying to claim for everyone. The most difficult thing for the Russian man to feel is that he is the master of his own destiny.

Revolution is the great revealer, and it revealed only what has been hiding in the depths of Russia. The modes of old regime contained the manifestations of many Russian traits, brought them within enforced limits. The fall of these decrepit modes resulted in a Russian man becoming completely unbridled and appearing naked. The evil spirits that Gogol saw in their stasis, broke free and are having an orgy. See more

Darkness and evil lie not in the external social forms of the people, but deeper, within the people’s spiritual core. The old autocracy has gone, and yet we still have a system of absolute power in Russia, and still the same lack of respect for human beings, for human dignity and human rights. See more

New Russia can be asked the same question that Vladimir Solovyov asked of old Russia: “What kind of East do you want to be, the East of Xerxes or of Christ?” “East of Xerxes” can be not only savage autocracy, but also savage democracy.