Zinoviev announced the agreement with the Peasants' Congress, to a shaking roar which rose and burst into storm as the sound of music blared down the corridor, and the head of the procession came in. See more
On the platform the presidium rose and made place for the Peasants’ presidium, the two embracing; behind them the two banners were intertwined against the white wall, over the empty frame from which the Tsar’s picture had been torn….
Once before, the Central Committee delivered an ultima—turn to the leading exponents of your policy (Kamenev and Zinoviev), demanding complete subordination to the Central Committee’s line and decisions, and renunciation of efforts to sabotage its work and of all subversive activity. See more
By leaving the Central Committee, but remaining in the Party, the exponents of your policy undertook to abide by Central Committee decisions. Actually, however, you have not confined yourselves to criticism within the Party, but have brought confusion into the ranks of the fighters- in an uprising which is still going on, and continue, in violation of Party discipline, to frustrate Central Committee decisions and hamper its work outside the Party, in the Soviets, the municipal bodies, the trade unions, etc.
In view of this, the Central Committee is forced to restate its ultimatum and to request that you immediately pledge yourselves in writing either to abide by Central Committee decisions and to conduct its policy in all your statements, or to withdraw from all Party activity in public and resign from all responsible posts in the working-class movement until the next Party congress.
Refusal to pledge yourselves to either course will make it imperative for the Central Committee to consider the question of your immediate expulsion from the Party.
Comrades! There are here today comrade volunteers from the Red Guards, soldiers and sailors, who within a few hours will leave for Moscow to help our comrades and brothers. The Military Revolutionary Committee attempted to send relief to our brothers in Moscow two days ago, but we were met with hinderance from those who, one would have thought, could only be on our side. See more
I speak of a small number of the managing committees and leaders of the railway workers, who, at this most fateful of movements for the revolution, have decided to claim “neutrality”. History will never forgive them for what can, at best, be described as a fateful mistake.
Greeting to our comrades departing to aid the revolutionary struggle in Moscow! Now we shall return to Moscow what Moscow gave to the revolution in 1905. Moscow was then the first to rise, the first to give fierce battle against authoritarianism. We are glad that now it is we who have the chance to dispatch our victorious troops to the Moscow Front.
Long live the comrades departing to Moscow - all the eyes of Russia are upon you!
We're currently unaware of the location of former Prime Minister Kerensky, but we suppose that his whereabouts will become public very soon.
There recently emerged in the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies a large schism among the Bolsheviks. Zinoviev, Trotsky et al considered a public declaration essential, whatever its results might be, and they regarded these results with pessimism. Lenin alone believes that seizing the power of democracy will certainly extirpate war and right all over the country. See more
Thus, the former among others are supporters of a public declaration, but some view it with despair, and Lenin sees in it the foresight of goodness. Some suggest that a public declaration isn’t necessary, for it would undermine suffrage in the Institutional assembly and in the party of the Bolsheviks, suffrage which is right now strong.
In view of the intensified discussion about the question of an armed action, Comrade Zinoviev and I have written to our main party organizations in Petrograd, Moscow and Finland, emphatically opposing the idea that our party should engage in any kind of armed action in the immediate future. See more
I have to say that I am unaware of any party decision to undertake an armed action of any sort on any given day.
The day of the uprising needs to be efficiently chosen. They say that we need to wait for an attack by the government, but we have to understand what can be construed as an attack. See more
An increase of bread prices, a dispatch of Cossacks to the Donetsk region, etc—all this is an attack. How long should we wait if there is no military attack? What Kamenev and Zinoviev are suggesting, objectively, allows the counter-revolution to prepare and to organise. We will retreat constantly and will lose the revolution. Why can’t we provide ourselves with a possibility of choosing the day of the revolt, so as not to give counter-revolution an opportunity to organise?
It is true that the Petrograd Soviet had not ordered a demonstration, but the Central Committee of the Bolshevik party was considering the question of insurrection. All night long the 23d they met. There were present all the party intellectuals, the leaders—and delegates of the Petrograd workers and garrison. Alone of the intellectuals Lenin and Trotsky stood for insurrection. Even the military men opposed it. A vote was taken. Insurrection was defeated! See more
Then arose a rough workman, his face convulsed with rage. “I speak for the Petrograd proletariat,” he said, harshly. “We are in favour of insurrection. Have it your own way, but I tell you now that if you allow the Soviets to be destroyed, we’re through with you!” Some soldiers joined him. And after that they voted again—insurrection won...
The Bolsheviks are retreating.
Before the Council at the Petrograd Union of the Workers and Solders’ Deputies the Bolsheviks have prevailed and, as is their wont, have now displayed the height of insolence. They have chosen Lenin and Zinoviev, who are hiding from the court being accused of treason, as their representatives to the Council. See more
The insolence is really unprecedented. Persons are accused of treason and of organizing civilian slaughter and they are being chosen as representatives to the Council on the organization of power in Russia. This time the Bolsheviks got ahead of themselves and had to retreat.
I keep recalling those memorable days and nights. A cold, starry night. The smell of freshly mown hay. A cloud of smoke from the little bonfire where we brewed tea in a big kettle. Strolling with Vladimir Ilyich. See more
At first, Ilyich is silent, and at times downcast. Later he cheers up, sketching out great ideas from future great works, recalling the past, and depicting the future in bold colours. The day comes to an end, and we lie down in our little shelter. It’s cold. We cover ourselves with an old blanket. The blanket is too narrow, so each of us tries, surreptitiously, to pull the larger part of it over the other, and leave less for ourselves. Ilyich mentions that he is wearing a padded jacket, and so can do easily without a blanket. Sometimes I lie for a long time, unable to get to sleep. In the absolute silence, I can hear Ilyich’s heart beating... We sleep pressed close together. Even now, ten years later, the smell of hay and the smoke from a bonfire often bring to mind that time, and I will feel a stab of pain in my heart, as if it were pierced by a needle. Why is Ilyich no longer with us? Everything could have been different...No matter what, Ilyich’s cause will triumph.
We must clearly and decidedly state that those who advised comrades Lenin and Zinovyev not to be arrested did right. We must clearly respond to the harassment of the bourgeois press that would unnerve our laborers. Harassment against Lenin and Zinovyev is harassment against us, against the party, against revolutionary democracy. See more
We must make clear to our comrades that we do not trust the Provisional Government and the bourgeoisie, that we will not give up Lenin and Zinovyev until justice shines victorious, that is, until this shameful tribunal ends. In the name of the congress, we must applaud the actions of comrades Lenin and Zinovyev.
Our hide-out was secure. But we still had to be vigilant. The police investigation assumed unprecedented dimensions. Hunting for Vladimir Ilyich, they scoured every house in a number of neighbourhoods. Police dogs combed Petersburg. This, of course, was a little unnerving. Work on the Sixth Congress of our Party, taking place semi-illegally in the city, was being directed by Vladimir Ilyich from our shelter. See more
It was here that the principal points of the most important resolutions of the Sixth Congress were sketched out. (We formed a committee of sorts in the shelter: while Vladimir Ilyich sketched out the various articles and resolutions, I was charged with writing a resolution on trade unions.) It was here, too, that Vladimir Ilyich wrote his famous article “A Respose to the Slanderers”.
In the hut we have immediately felt ourselves calmer. Life began to “normilise.” Around us there was no one for miles. Tired and exhausted by work and hardships, Vladimir Ilyich enjoyed involuntary rest for the first couple of days. See more
As much as the clandestine considerations allowed, he took walks, went swimming in Razliv, lay in the sun. In the meantime, two lines of communication were being established from the hut: one—with Petrograd, another—with Finland. The main focus was, of course, the first one.
What stands out in my mind, is a small, fleeting meeting in a choir gallery of the Tavrichesky Palace (by the cafeteria): Vladimir Ilyich, Trotsky, and the one who is writing these lines. “Shouldn’t we try now,” laughing, said Lenin, but immediately added, “no, we cannot take power now, because those on the front are not yet with us. Now, a soldier, deceived by liberals would come and slaughter Petersburg workers.”
The Bolshevik faction intends to propose the following practical measures, which the Bolshevik faction requests the workers and soldiers to discuss and support provisionally. No attempt is to be made, either openly or in covertly - to disband the regiments currently guarding Petrograd. See more
Not only shall full freedom to engage in political campaigning among the troops be ensured both in the rear and at the front for all defendists, but any repressions of socialists and internationalists shall also be out of the question. The perpetrators of attacks on workers and soldiers which have taken place during the bourgeois demonstrations of recent days are to be swiftly brought to justice.
Resources of paper, accommodation, typography, etc., are to be distributed in such a way as to provide, in the first instance, for workers’, soldiers’, and peasants’ newspapers. A state-funded news-sheet is to be published, carrying paid advertisements, while at the same time all newspapers will be forbidden to publish such advertisements, thereby depriving the counter-revolutionary press of its main source of income and it main opportunity to poison the minds of the people.