17 March 1917. Maurice Paleologue

10, Kutuzov embankment, Petrograd, Russian Empire

The weather is very dismal this morning. From dark and heavy clouds the snow is falling in dense flakes, and so slowly that I cannot even make out the granite wall which lines the icy bed of the Neva twenty paces from my windows. We might be in the very depths of winter. The gloom of the landscape and. the enmity of nature harmonize only too well with the sinister course events are taking.

One of those who were present gives me the following detailed account of the meeting at the conclusion of which the Grand Duke Michael signed his provisional abdication yesterday.

It took place at ten o'clock in the morning at Prince Paul Putiatin's house, No. 12, Millionaïa.

In addition to the Grand Duke and his secretary, Matveïev, there were present Prince Lvov, Rodzianko, Militikov, Nekrassov, Kerensky, Nabokov, Shingarev and Baron Nolde; about half-past ten they were joined by Gutchkov and Shulgin, who had come straight from Pskov.

As soon as the discussion. began, Gutchkov and Miliukov boldly asserted that Michael Alexandrovitch had no right to evade the responsibility of supreme power. Rodzianko, Nekrassov and Kerensky argued contra that the accession of a new Tsar would release a torrent of revolutionary passion and bring Russia face to face with a frightful crisis; their conclusion was that the monarchical question should be reserved until the meeting of the constituent assembly which would make its sovereign will known. The argument was pressed with such force and stubbornness, particularly by Kerensky, that all those present came round to it with the exception of Gutchkov and Miliukov. With complete disinterestedness the Grand Duke himself agreed.

Gutchkov then made a final effort. Addressing the Grand Duke in person and appealing to his patriotism and courage he pointed out how necessary it was that the Russian people should be presented at once with the living embodiment of a national leader:

"If you are afraid to take up the burden of the imperial crown now, Monseigneur, you should at least agree to exercise supreme authority as 'Regent of the Empire during the vacancy of the throne,' or, to take a much finer title, 'Protector of the Nation,' as Cromwell styled himself. At the same time you would give a solemn undertaking to the nation to surrender your power to a constituent assembly as soon as the war ends."

This ingenious idea, which might have saved the whole situation, made Kerensky almost beside himself with passion and provoked him to a torrent of invective and threats which terrified everyone there.

In the general confusion the Grand Duke rose with the remark that he would like to think things over by himself for a minute or two. He was making for the next room when Kerensky leaped in front of him as if to keep him back:

"Promise us not to consult your wife, Monseigneur!"

His thoughts had at once gone to the ambitious Countess Brassov whose empire over her husband's mind was complete. With a smile the Grand Duke replied:

"Don't worry, Alexander Feodorovitch, my wife isn't here at the moment; she stayed behind at Gatchina!"

Five minutes later the Grand Duke returned. In very calm tones he declared:

"I have decided to abdicate."

The triumphant Kerensky called out:

"Monseigneur, you are the noblest of men!"

The rest of the company, however, was wrapped in a .gloomy silence; even those who had been the strongest advocates of abdication---Prince Lvov and Rodzianko, for instance---seemed overwhelmed by the irreparable occurrence that had just taken place. Gutchkov relieved his conscience by a final protest:

"Gentlemen, you are leading Russia to her ruin; I am not going to follow you in that baneful path."

A provisional and conditional abdication was then drawn up by Nekrassov, Nabokov and Baron Nolde. Michael Alexandrovitch interrupted them several times in their task to make it quite clear that his refusal of the imperial crown remained subject to the ultimate decision of the Russian nation as represented by a constituent assembly.

At the conclusion he took the pen and signed.

Throughout this long and painful discussion the Grand Duke's composure and dignity never once deserted him. Hitherto his compatriots have had but a poor opinion of him; he was considered to be of weak character and lacking in brains. But on this historic occasion his patriotism, nobility and self-sacrifice were very touching. When the final formalities had been concluded, the delegates of the Executive Committee could not help showing him that the impression he made upon them won their sympathy and respect. Kerensky tried to interpret the emotion they all felt in a lapidary phrase which fell from his lips in a theatrical outburst.

"Monseigneur! You have generously entrusted to us the sacred cup of your power. I promise you we will hand it on to the constituent assembly without spilling a single drop."

General Efimovitch, who called on me this morning, has brought me some news of Tsarskoïe-Selo.

It was through the Grand Duke Paul that the Empress learned yesterday evening of the Emperor's abdication; she had heard nothing of him for two days. She burst out:

"It's quite impossible! It isn't true! It's another newspaper lie! I believe in God and trust the army. Neither could have deserted us at so critical a moment!"

The Grand Duke read her the abdication which had just been published. Then everything came home to her and she burst into tears.

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The Provisional Government has not been long in capitulating to the demands of the socialists. At the Soviet's command it has actually come to the following humiliating decision:

The troops which have taken part in the revolutionary movement will not be disarmed but will remain in Petrograd.

Thus the first act of the revolutionary army is to extract a promise that it shall not be sent to the front but shall fight no more! What a badge of shame for the Russian Revolution! How can one help thinking of the contrast afforded by the Volunteers of 1792! Besides, the soldiers in the streets seem lost to all decency and are giving a disgusting exhibition of effrontery and licence. By its infamous insistence the Soviet has created for itself a formidable militia, for the garrisons of Petrograd and the suburbs (Tsarskoïe-Selo, Peterhof, Krasnoïe-Selo and Gatchina) comprise no less than 170,000 men.

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This afternoon Miliukov took over the portfolio of foreign affairs. He made a point of seeing me at once, as well as my English and Italian colleagues.

We answered his summons at once.

I found him very much changed, extremely weary and looking ten years older. The days and nights of fierce controversy through which he has just passed have worn him out.

I asked him:

"Before you take to official phraseology tell me frankly and honestly what you think of the situation."

In an outburst of sincerity he replied:

"Within the last twenty-four hours I have passed from utter despair to all but perfect confidence."

Then we talked officially:

"I'm not yet in a position," I said, "to tell you that the Government of the Republic recognizes the government you have set up; but I'm certain I'm only anticipating my instructions in promising you active and sympathetic assistance on my part."

He thanked me warmly, and continued: "We didn't want this revolution to come during hostilities; I didn't even anticipate it; but it has taken place, as the result of other agencies, and through the mistakes and crimes of the imperial regime. Our business now is to save Russia by ruthlessly prosecuting the war to victory. But the passions of the people have been so exasperated and the difficulties of the situation are so frightful that we must at once make great concessions to the national conscience."

Among these immediate concessions he mentioned the arrest of several ministers, generals, officials, and so on, the proclamation of a general amnesty---from which the servants of the old government will of course be excluded---the destruction of all the imperial emblems, the convocation of. a constituent assembly in the near future; in a word every measure calculated to rob the Russian nation of all fear of a counter-revolution.

"So the Romanov dynasty has fallen I said."

"Yes, in fact; no, in law. The constituent assembly alone will be qualified to change the political status of Russia."

"But how will you secure the election of this constituent assembly? Will the men at the front be content to forego their votes?"

With considerable confusion he admitted: "We shall be obliged to grant the men at the front the right to vote."

"What, you're going to give the men at the front a vote! Most of them are fighting thousands of versts from their villages and can't read or write!"

Miliukov as good as told me that in his heart of hearts he shared my views and confided that he is doing his utmost to give no definite promise as to the date of the general election.

"But the socialists are insisting on an election at once," he added. "They are extremely strong, and the situation is very, very critical!"

As I pressed him to explain these words, he told me that though order has been restored to some extent in Petrograd, the Baltic Fleet and Kronstadt garrison are in open revolt.

I asked Miliukov about the official nomenclature of the new government.

" The title hasn't been decided upon yet," he said. "At the moment we are calling ourselves the Provisional Government. But in that name we are getting all executive authority, including the imperial prerogative, into our hands; so we are not responsible to the Duma."

"In a word, you derive all your power from the revolution?"

'"No, we have received it., by inheritance, from the Grand Duke Michael, who transferred it to us by his abdication decree."

This legal sensitiveness showed me that the "moderates" of the new order, Rodzianko, Prince Lvov, Gutchkov and Miliukov himself, are extremely worried and uneasy in their conscience at the idea of violating monarchical rights. At bottom---and it is only, the normal course of revolutions---they feel that they are already being thrust aside, and are fearfully wondering where they will be to-morrow.

Miliukov looked so exhausted, and the loss of voice he has suffered in the last few days made talking so painful for him, that I had to cut short our interview. But before leaving him I urged very strongly that the Provisional Government should delay no longer in solemnly proclaiming its fidelity to the alliances and its determination to continue the war at any cost.

"You must realize that what is wanted is a plain and unambiguous proclamation. Of course I haven't a doubt about your own feelings. But the direction of Russian affairs is now at the mercy of new forces; they must be given a lead at once. I have another reason for insisting that the ruthless prosecution of the war and the maintenance of the alliances shall be proclaimed openly. I must tell you that in the old days I more than once caught germanophile circles at Court---the Sturmer and Protopopov gang---dropping a hint which worried me very much; it was admitted that the Emperor Nicholas would not be able to make peace with Germany so long as Russian soil had not been entirely cleared of the enemy, for he had taken an oath on the Gospel and the ikon of Our Lady of Kazan; but it was whispered that if the Emperor could be induced to abdicate in favour of the Tsarevitch under the regency of the Empress, his disastrous oath would not be binding on his heir. You can see that I should like to be sure that the new Russia considers herself bound by the oath of her former Tsar."

"You'll receive every guarantee on that head."

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The food problem is still so difficult in Petrograd that my supplies and the skill of my chef are very valuable to my friends. I had seven or eight of them to dinner to-night, the party including the Gortchakovs and Benckendorffs. Everyone was very depressed; they could see extremist proletarian doctrines already sweeping over Russia, disintegrating the national unity, spreading anarchy, famine and ruin everywhere.

My forebodings are equally gloomy, alas! None of the men in power at this moment possesses the political vision, faculty of swift decision, courage and boldness which so formidable a situation calls for. They are "Octobrists," "Cadets," advocates of constitutional monarchy, level-headed, honest, moderate and disinterested. They remind me of Molé, Odilon, Barrot, etc. in July, 1830. Yet the least that is required now is a Danton! I am told, however, that they have one man of action among them, the young Minister of Justice, Kerensky, who represents the "Labour" group in the Duma and has been forced on the Provisional Government by the Soviet.

There is no question that the men of initiative, energy and courage, must be sought for in the Soviet. Themultifarious sections of the Social-Revolutionary and social-Democratic parties, "People's Party," "Labour Men," "Terrorists," "Maximalists," "Minimalists," "Defeatists," etc., are not lacking in men who have given proof of resolution and audacity in plots, penal servitude and exile; I need only mention Tcheidze, Tseretelli, Zinoviev and Axelrod. These are the true protagonists of the drama on which the curtain is now rising

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Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich with Nicholas II

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Summoned into their presence, I found Maria Fyodorovna weeping uncontrollably in her seat; he, meanwhile, was on his feet, stock-still, gaze fixed on the floor, cigarette (naturally) in hand. We embraced. I didn’t know what service I could render him. His calmness testified to the fact that he was firmly convinced of the rectitude of his decision, although he did reproach his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich for leaving Russia without an Emperor when he refused the throne. See more

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Yakub Ganetsky

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Alexander Kerensky

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The third session of the Provisional Government. We met at the ministry of internal affairs, the location of Prince Lvov’s residence. We sat, sensing the grave glances of a dozen of former ministers of the old regime, whose portraits were hanging on the walls. I believe that it was there, surrounded by the portraits of former rulers and not by the excited mob in the Duma, that each of us suddenly realised for the first time the full degree of his involvement in what has happened in Russia in the last couple of days, and the horrible weight of responsibility that lay on us. See more

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Kazimir Malevich

on the new government

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The meeting of artists at the Gorky's place

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Alexandra Kollontai Vladimir Lenin

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Dear friends, what an exciting time! . . . We’re all "going crazy" here. We don’t sleep. We don’t sit still. We run around encouraging the Norwegians to rebel. It's hard not to immediately go to Russia! Your slogan "civil war" has fully paid off! I see it everywhere. I want to tightly, firmly shake your hand. Anyway, you must be high spirits. Rejoice! All the best to both of you!

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Alexandra Feodorovna

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Sweet, beloved Treasure.

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16 March

“Our great-grandchildren will speak of these days as of the beginning of a new era in the history of humanity”

The Empress learns of her husband’s abdication

Nicholas II’s brother refuses the throne