3 April 1917. The New York Times

The New York Times

Text of the President’s address

I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.

On the 3rd of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft, in conformity with its promise, then given to us, that passenger boats should not be sunk and due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed.

The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.

I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any Government that had hitherto subscribed to humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation has right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meagre enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.

This minimun of right the German Government has swept aside, under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these, which it is impossible to employ, as it is employing them, without throwing to the wind all scruples of humanity or of respect for understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.

I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale distribution of the lives of noncombatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.

It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination.

The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgement befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion. [...]

With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the Government and people of the United States.

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Elizaveta Naryshkina

Tsarskoye Selo, Russian Empire

Just looked out of the window and saw the Emperor on a walk. He was leading the way, followed by Valya, with a watch officer bringing up the rear. I am overcome by a terrible anguish – he who enjoyed all the earth’s bounties, who exercised control over a loyal people, has been reduced to this! How splendid his rule might have been, if only he were capable of fathoming the exigencies of the age!

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Anatoliy Lunacharskiy

Zurich, Switzerland

Dear comrades! The German government has announced that it shall allow the Russians passage from Switzerland in return for no more than a simple promise that, on their return to Russia, they make due effort to facilitate passage to Germany for a corresponding number of civilian prisoners. But Grimm suggested – and indeed everyone was of the same opinion – that, as long as this step remains unsanctioned by some competent Russian institution or other, it would be risky to embark on it.

In an atmosphere poisoned by social-patriotic slander, a unilateral granting of passage by Germany would forever serve as a nasty weapon against us. But the Leninists, whose eagerness to make the journey surpasses that of anybody else, declared that they’d stop at nothing to make it happen. This caused a commotion among the rest. Today I’ll be having a major conversation with Comrade Lenin. Today, too, we shall continue setting out a concrete plan of further action regarding the orchestration of our return to Russia.

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Aleksandra Tolstaya

Surgical infirmary of the Minsk Provincial Zemsky Committee, Minsk, Russian Empire

I hold an ever gloomier view of the current situation. The Germans are swarming all over the place, discipline is in tatters, and there’s nothing now that can force the troops to defend themselves. The soldiers flee and hide. Things will be even worse in the future.

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George Buchanan Arthur Balfour

Petrograd, Russian Empire

Nothing has yet been decided about the Emperor’s journey to England. He is living with the Empress and his children at Tsarskoe under a strong guard, and is allowed to walk in the park but is always under observation. From a private and confidential source I heard he is perfectly happy and takes exercise by clearing the paths in the park of snow. He does not yet realise that he will not be allowed to go as he had hoped to Livadia, but the loss of his throne does not seem to have depressed him. The Empress, on the other hand, is said to feel the humiliation of her present position deeply. She is, I hear, averse to the idea of going to England. Some telegrams have just been published in the Press, which were sent by her to the Emperor before and after Rasputin’s murder, which show clearly that he did everything she told him to. There was also published a hysterical letter from the Empress to Rasputin, in which she wrote as if she were addressing a saint, saying that she only found comfort when leaning on his shoulder, and praying him to bless ‘thy child’. She has been the Emperor’s evil genius even since they married, and nobody pities her…

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Lili Dehn

Alexander Palace, Tsarskoye Selo, Russian Empire

Their Majesties then related the particulars of their interview with Kerensky.

“His first words,” said the Empress, were,

“I am Kerensky. You probably know my name.”

We made no answer.

“But you must have heard of me?” he persisted. Still no reply. “Well,” said Kerensky, “I’m sure I don’t know why we are standing. Let’s sit down— it’s far more comfortable!”

“He seated himself,” continued the Empress. “The Emperor and I slowly followed his example, and, finding that I still declined to speak, Kerensky insisted upon being left alone with the Emperor.”

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Lili Dehn

Alexander Palace, Tsarskoye Selo, Russian Empire

The soldiers hurried me down the staircase, but I stopped half-way, and looked back. The Imperial Family was still where I had left them; with a rough gesture, my guards motioned me to descend. I could see my beloved Empress no longer. I walked to the door of the second entrance where some officers and soldiers stood, laughing and talking. Two automobiles were waiting outside. It was bitterly cold, and a bleak wind howled round the Palace, and drove the snow in stinging dust against my face as I sat in the open automobile waiting for Anna. At last she appeared; she looked ghastly, and her eyes were swollen with crying. Two officers sat facing us, and a third took his place beside the chauffeur. In this manner we saw the last of Tsarkoe Selo… but I had left my heart behind.

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Pierre Gilliard

Alexander Palace, Tsarskoye Selo, Russian Empire

To-day Kerenski came to the palace for the first time. He went through all the rooms and noted all the sentry-posts, wishing to assure himself in person that we are well guarded. Before leaving he had a fairly long conversation with the Czar and Czarina.

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Maurice Paleologue

10, Kutuzova embankment, Petrograd, Russian Empire

Miliukov is greatly concerned at what is happening at Cronstadt, the great naval fortress which commands the approach to Petrograd from the Gulf of Finland.

The town (its population is about 55,000) refuses to recognize the authority either of the Provisional Government or the Soviet. The troops of the garrison, which consists of not less than 20,000 men, are in open revolt. See more

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Nicholas II

Tsarskoye Selo, Russian Empire

Today Kerensky, the present minister of Justice, came. He went through all the rooms and wanted to see us. He talked to me for five minutes. He introduced the new Palace commander and then left. He ordered the arrest of poor Anna and took her to the city together with Lili Dehn. This happened between 3 and 4 o'clock while I was walking. The weather was disgusting and it corresponded to our mood: Marie and Anastasia slept almost all day. After dinner the four of us calmly passed the evening away with Olga and Tatiana.

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The New York Times

All day Washington had been in the hands of belligerent pacifists, truculent in manner, and determined to break into the Capitol. They tried to take possession of the Capitol steps, up which President must be when he entered, and met the same fate that Coxey’s rioters fell in with twenty-three years ago at the hands of the police, who dispersed them.

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2 April

An exhibition of avant-garde artists opens in Moscow

"Lenin is colossal. He is like a wistful lion going into fierce battle"

What life looked like in the trenches of First World War