1) The Central Committee considers that the opposition formed within the Central Committee has departed completely from all the fundamental positions of Bolshevism and of the proletarian class struggle in general by reiterating the utterly un-Marxist talk of the impossibility of a socialist revolution in Russia and of the necessity of yielding to the ultimatums and threats of resignation on the part of the obvious minority in the Soviet organisation, thus thwarting the will and the decision of the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets and sabotaging the dictatorship of the proletariat and the poor peasantry which has been inaugurated.
2) The Central Committee lays the whole responsibility for hindering revolutionary work and for the vacillations, so criminal at the present moment, on this opposition, and invites them to transfer their discussion and their scepticism to the press and to withdraw from the practical work they do not believe in. For this opposition reflects nothing but intimidation by the bourgeoisie and the sentiments of the exhausted (not the revolutionary) section of the population.
3) The Central Committee affirms that the purely Bolshevik government cannot be renounced without betraying the slogan of Soviet power, since the majority at the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets, without excluding anybody from the Congress, entrusted power, to this government.
4) The Central Committee affirms that, without betraying the slogan of the power of the Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, there can be no entering into petty bargaining over the affiliation to the Soviets of organisations of a non-Soviet type, i.e., organisations which are not voluntary associations of the revolutionary vanguard of the people who are fighting for the overthrow of the landowners and capitalists.
5) The Central Committee affirms that to yield to the ultimatums and threats of the minority of the Soviets would be tantamount to complete renunciation not only of Soviet power but of democracy, for such yielding would be tantamount to the majority’s fear to make use of its majority, it would be tantamount to submitting to anarchy and inviting the repetition of ultimatums on the part of any minority.
6) The Central Committee affirms that, not having excluded anybody from the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets, it is even now fully prepared to permit the return of those who walked out and to agree to a coalition within the Soviets with those who walked out, and that, consequently, all talk about the Bolsheviks refusing to share power with anybody is absolutely false.
7) The Central Committee affirms that on the day the present government was formed, a few hours before its formation, the Central Committee invited three representatives of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries to attend its meeting and formally proposed that they should join the government. The refusal of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, although it was provisional and conditional, places on these Left Socialist-Revolutionaries the entire responsibility for the fact that an agreement with them was not reached.
8) The Central Committee recalls that a resolution, proposed by the Bolshevik group, was adopted by the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets expressing readiness to reinforce the Soviet both by soldiers from the trenches and by peasants from the localities, from the villages, and that therefore the assertion that the Bolshevik government is opposed to a coalition with the peasants is absolutely false. On the contrary, the Central Committee declares that the land law of our government, which was wholly copied from the Socialist-Revolutionary Mandate, is practical proof of the complete and most sincere readiness of the Bolsheviks to effect a coalition with the vast majority of Russia’s population.
9) The Central Committee affirms, finally, that despite all difficulties, the victory of socialism both in Russia and in Europe can only be ensured by the unswerving continuation of the present government’s policy. The Central Committee expresses its firm belief in the victory of this socialist revolution and calls upon all skeptics and waverers to abandon their waverings and whole-heartedly and with supreme energy support the actions of this government.
I tried to convince those people close to me to flee. I did not have to persuade my personal assistant, N.V. Vinner: we were determined to not give ourselves in alive. We intended, as soon as the Cossacks and sailors were going to search for us in the front rooms, to shoot ourselves in the back rooms. See more
Our decision seemed logical and the only possible solution. We began to say goodbye, and suddenly the door opened and two people appeared in the doorway - one civilian, whom I knew well, and a sailor, whom I had never seen before. “We can not lose any time,” they said. “In less than half an hour a brutal mob will storm into here.” “Take off the jacket - faster!” A few seconds later I was transformed into a very ridiculous looking sailor: the sleeves of the jacket were short, my brown lace-up-boots and leggings were clearly out of style. The peakless cap was so small that it barely stayed on my head. My outfit was completed by huge driver’s glasses. I said goodbye to my assistant, and he left through the adjoining room.
Kerensky fled, having betrayed his comrades, his army, and Russia.
Verkhovski came to see me to-day. He said that Kerensky had not wanted the Cossacks to suppress the rising by themselves, as that would have meant the end of the revolution. See more
He declared that the moderate Socialists still had a chance of forming a Government, and said that if he were authorized to tell the troops that the Allies would discuss and draw up their peace terms for presentation to the Germans he would be able to detach many of them from the Bolsheviks.
I went to the State Bank to see the new Commissar, a redhaired Ukrainian Bolshevik named Petrovitch. He was trying to bring order out of the chaos in which affairs had been left by the striking clerks. See more
In all the offices of the huge place perspiring volunteer workers, soldiers, and sailors, their tongues sticking out of their mouths in the intensity of their effort, were poring over the great ledgers with a bewildered air….
At the end of December, I want to give a fundraising concert at the Paris Opera for the Italian Red Cross. I would like to ask you to make a sketch of the set design for Scarlatti. Prepare the sketch. I will be in Paris in 10 days. My address is Russian Consulate in Madrid.
Confusion reigns in Kiev, just like in the capital. Rifle fire comes from everywhere, such that people are killed by stray bullets. Machine gun fire rages off and on. I pretty much crawl around the city. See more
My landlady was horrified when she saw me in a torn dress, covered in dirt from head to toe. My commander came to me and said that the house where he’d settled and to which he’d called me had been hit by a bomb. The house was no more. He’d stayed somewhere else and, as a result, had escaped.
Verkhovski came to see the Ambassador, and I interpreted. Incidentally, he said that Kerenski had not wanted to let the Cossacks suppress the rising “ on their own,” as he knew that would be “ the end of the Revolution.” I suggested that “ perhaps it would have saved Russia.” See more
Verkhovski disagreed, and said it was a mistake to imagine that the Cossacks could conquer Russia. All the same, I believe they could if they were not handicapped by men of the type of Kerenski, for they represent the only force that has any approach to discipline, and if they acted quickly and resolutely all the elements that stand for law and order might rally to their side. Verkhovski professed to believe that the moderate socialists still have a chance. I doubt it. I agree with Trotski that the only opposition the Bolsheviks had to fear was from Kornilov’s and Kaledin’s party, and that is now past.