We are faced with a governmental crisis again. When we hear demands made on behalf of the armed regiments of a single city to adopt predetermined resolutions made by them, then no matter how we change a previous resolution, the people as a whole will see it as a decision adopted merely to serve the victory of disorderly groups and not in order to express the true will of democracy, of the workers, peasants and soldiers at the front. See more
The Congress did not accept the Provisional Government because it contained three Kadets. The Revolutionary democracy can do without them. Their departure will not deprive the Provisional Government of fullness of power. Steps must be taken to ensure there is no unrest.
Our responsibility—to protect the unity and integrity of the Russian revolution. He who thinks that he, walking out, armed, into the street, is walking with us—has been misled. We have to say that these types of demonstrations are not walking hand in hand with the revolution, but rather with counter-revolution. See more
We have to say that the outcome of revolutionary democracy cannot be dictated with bayonets. And we have to call on all those faithful to the task of the revolution to rally in defense of the plenipotentiary agency of democracy and in defense of the task of the revolution.
The counter-revolution can only emerge into our midst via one door, and one door alone – via the Bolsheviks. What the Bolsheviks are engaged in now is no longer ideological propaganda; it is conspiracy. May the Bolsheviks forgive us, but we shall now resort to other means of struggle. Revolutionaries unworthy of the arms they bear must have those arms confiscated. The Bolsheviks need to be disarmed. We shall permit no conspiracies…
The Congress of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies recently adjourned at the Cadets’ College has only deepened my pessimism. The meeting began with a discussion of the Dacha Durnovo. Pereverzev, Liber, Kamenev, Tsereteli with his histrionics, and Lunacharsky, all made speeches, the latter receiving reproaches from the Asiatic Chkheidze for addressing the congress without the reverence apparently accorded it. See more
They all spoke very coherently, “convinced and convincing”, with calm and even business-like temper. Yet, essentially, despite the great superfluity of fine words, I left the assembly without having formed the slightest impression. Lord knows, an audience is correct in greeting every speech with an identically rousing storm of ovation, even if this speech stands in stark contradiction to its predecessor, and even if this predecessor was met by the very same ovation. The mood, I should note, in the hall was decidedly moderate and calm. I can see now that there is an audience capable of standing through one of Lenin’s speeches.
I have been working hard at the Congress. On the third day there was a large, captivating meeting. Tsereteli spoke about general politics with dignity and intelligence, and he defended his impossible position as powerfully and systematically as could be imagined possible. Lenin spoke after him. See more
He spoke passionately, with great revolutionary fire, but too quickly, and he made an error that all his detractors later clung to: he said that “the first and most important measure of a genuinely revolutionary government would be the arrest of its country's 50 wealthiest factory owners.”
Guchkov’s resignation is a sensational one. Sensational not in itself, but in the manner in which it occurred: without issuing any warning to the government, without engaging in any preliminary discussions of the matter with his ministry colleagues, the minister of war quit his post even as the war raged on, declaring that the government lacked the capacity to fulfill its functions and that he, See more
the minister of war, could “no longer shoulder responsibility for the grievous sin being committed against the motherland.” This act signified an emphatic break between Guchkov and the Provisional Government.