I have decided to leave Tsarskoye Selo, in pursuance of which I have written a letter to Kerensky which I hope to get to him by way of the commandant. If this turns out to be impossible, I will accept it as God’s will that I remain here. I have requested that the commandant sees me.
We need new people.
We all agreed that the foreign ministry should be given to someone who is more capable of showing flexibility in his conduct of the state’s foreign policy. I threatened to leave the cabinet, should Miliukov not be transferred to the post of education minister. I followed this with a demand that representatives of the socialist parties be immediately brought into the government. The crisis in the cabinet reached its zenith when Miliukov refused to accept the portfolio of the education ministry and resigned in protest.
At Guchkov's request, I came back to Petrograd along with Alekseev, and gathered in his apartment to discuss the so-called “Declaration of the Rights of Soldiers.” This declaration was developed by a special commission of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. After its reading began, Alekseev stood up and said: "I, as commander-in-chief, cannot talk about how to finally destroy the army I command, so I will not discuss this issue and refuse to continue participating in its discussion." See more
After this, everyone present said that they agreed with the commander and thought it was useless to discuss this document. Once it’s decided to introduce it, let them introduce it, but they will not consider it. With that, document’s reading ended. Everyone got up, said goodbye, and left. I stayed a few more minutes with Guchkov and asked him if he decided whether I should go to the Baltics, or return to the Black Sea. Guchkov thought about it and said: "It’s doesn’t matter, so in that case, go back to the Black Sea." This ended my stay in Petrograd, and I went back to the Black Sea.
Joy is getting fatter, putting on 1/2 a pound every day. Soon he will probably burst.
Our party will stand behind any decision the Finish people chose to make concerning their fate. This is our policy towards all nations and at all times.
Yesterday little Shura received a four for his Russian dictation, which is big news, as Shura always gets a two or a one. Shura was very happy, because mama and papa said, that if Shura will have to resist the dictation, he will have to stay in the same class next year, and now, maybe, he won’t have to.
Who should we consider our government, the Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies or the Provisional Government? It is clear, that workers and soldiers should support exclusively those workers’ and soldiers’ deputies who have been elected by them to the Soviet.
Following the traditions established during the Tsarist era, some journalists continue the old ways of abusing those they oppose in their polemics, hitting them “where it hurts”, “right in the gut”, “below the belt”. It clearly follows that there is no space for clam, academic disputes in our papers, but I continue to maintain that a free press needs to develop a tradition of respecting public figures. At least where it becomes unavoidable to target a man’s vulnerabilities, this should be resorted to only when he gives genuine cause for the slaps, kicks and punches in which our people are so firmly tutored by the experience of their schooling years.
Rabochaya Gazeta gloats and crows over the recent resolution of the Central Committee which has revealed certain disagreements within our Party. The Mensheviks may gloat and crow as much as they like. It does not worry us in the least. The Mensheviks have no organisation. Chkheidze and Tsereteli are one thing—they are ministers without portfolios; the Organising Committee is another thing—they are Social-Democrats without a policy; the “defencists” are a third thing—they support Plekhanov. See more
Martov is a fourth thing—he will not support the loan. Small wonder that people who have neither an organisation nor a party crow and caper light-heartedly at discovering a fault in somebody else’s organisation. We have no reason to fear the truth. Yes, comrade workers, the crisis has revealed certain shortcomings in our organisation. We must set to work to correct them!
I have paid a farewell visit to the Grand Duke Nicholas Michailovich.
Not much left of the splendid optimism he affected at the dawn of the new order. He made no attempt to conceal his grief and anxiety. But he still cherishes a hope for some improvement in the near future, which he thinks would be followed by a general recovery and definite revival. See more
But his voice trembled as he took me through the saloons to the vestibule:
"When we meet again," he said, "where will Russia have got to? ... . Shall we ever meet again?"
"You're in a very gloomy mood, Monseigneur."
"How can you expect me to forget that I'm marked down for the gallows?"