Countess Adam Lamoyska, who arrived here from Kiev yesterday, tells me that she dare not return to her family place at Petchara, in Podolia, which has been her refuge since the invasion of Poland; a dangerous agitation is on foot among the peasants.
"Hitherto," she told me, "they have all been faithful and attached to my mother, who has certainly done everything she could for them. But since the revolution everything has changed. We see them standing about at the castle gate or in the park, pretending to divide up our lands in dumb show. One of them will affect to want the wood by the river; another puts in for the gardens and proposes to turn them into folds. They go on talking like that for hours and do not stop even when my mother, one of my. sisters or myself go up to them."
The same attitude is observable in all the provinces, so it is clear that Lenin's propaganda among the peasants is beginning to bear fruit.
In the eyes of the moujiks that great reform of 1861, the emancipation of the serfs, has always been regarded as a prelude to the general expropriation they have been obstinately expecting for centuries; their idea is that the partition of all land, the tcherny peredel, or "black partition," as they call it, is due to them by virtue of a natural, imprescriptible and primordial right. Lenin's apostles have an easy task in persuading them that the hour for this last act of justice is at length about to strike.
I’m starting to understand the addiction that young children have to mindless tasks: opening and closing doors, spending hours playing with a ball. I have a bell that hangs over my bed and I enjoy ringing it. In those moments, I’m not really there.
The Russian man doesn’t feel the inseparable connection between rights and obligations; he has a clouded consciousness when it comes to rights and duties - he is buried in irresponsible collectivism, trying to claim for everyone. The most difficult thing for the Russian man to feel is that he is the master of his own destiny.
Can we escape this horror? I’m scared of the war that will follow this war. The wars of the classes, nations, and religion, escape from taxes, restrictions, and forced measures. I see only one way: withdrawal into oneself, into nature, away from the big city. This is the first thing I must do after the war.
We can count ourselves as the luckiest people, because our generation was born into the happiest period of Russian history.
At the end of April, a parliamentarian appeared on the Dvinsk front – a German officer, who was not accepted. He did however succeed in contributing a phrase to the crowd of soldiers: “I came to you with peaceful proposals, and I even have the authority to influence the Provisional Government, but your bosses do not want peace”. This phrase quickly spread and caused unrest amongst the soldiers, and even the threat of deserting the front.
In the first days of the revolution, some shameless people threw heaps of dirty pamphlets onto the street, which told heinous stories on the theme of “court life”. The pamphlets talked about “Autocratic Alice”, “Sleazy Grishka”, Vyrubova and other figures from the murky past. We have to fight this poison - I don’t know how exactly – but we have to do it, especially seeing as there are too few publications on the book market (which we really need at the moment) next to these sadistic, afflictive fabrications of filthy so-called “literature”.
Zinaida Yusupova came for tea, full of concern and deeply shocked by all that had happened. Her hands trembled more than usual. Then we went for a stroll on foot with Zenia, Zina and Orbeliani; we can’t go by transport anymore because those scoundrels have taken all the petrol. I was fatally tired and I felt so horrific that I barely moved my legs; probably the body’s “contre coup” to all the anxiety and so on.
Ireland welcomes the revolutionary and leader of the Sinn Fein party, Arthur Griffith.
We needed, by all means, a strong power. This is power that prince Lvov did not bring with him.
Russia is overrun by German agents
While decent Russians are striving honorably to achieve political liberty by civil methods of argument and persuasion, which, if sure, are necessarily slow, the extreme parties - anarchists and social revolutionaries on one hand, and upholders of the old regime and agent provocateurs on the other, and above all the cast organized body of Germans - are using deadly weapons in the streets and lavishly expending money. See more