Although the Hermitage and other picture galleries had been evacuated to Moscow, there were weekly exhibitions of paintings. Hordes of the female intelligentzia went to hear lectures on Art, Literature and the Easy Philosophies. It was a particularly active season for Theosophists.
And the Salvation Army, admitted to Russia for the first time in history, plastered the walls with announcements of gospel meetings, which amused and astounded Russian audiences…
It's one's duty to stay young as long as possible.
Haven’t received any news today, any opinions, other than that the Democratic Conference has opened with a Socialist Revolutionary hitting a Bolshevik in the face. In the evening there was a tenant meeting to elect the house committee - I almost became Chair, but, thankfully, didn’t.
For me, the most important event of September was the composition “Seven, They Are Seven”. It’s something which I’d thought about a lot, something I’d been working towards for along time, and when I finally got down to it, I knew early that something exceptional would be born. On 17th September I finally got to work. I still didn’t write a thing. I didn’t record any music, but some general outlines, occasionally one voice part; I didn’t write notes, but I drew up some general sketches and orchestrations. I enjoyed myself to such an extent that as a reached the climax of my work I had to stop working and go for a walk to calm myself down, otherwise my heart would have burst out of my chest. I didn’t spend long working on “Seven, They Are Seven”, no more than half an hour or an hour per day, and not every day. I thought a great deal. My sketches were completed on 28th September, that’s to say 12 days, of which I only worked 7, and I didn’t writeon the other 5.
The Bolsheviks, having obtained a majority in the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies of both capitals, can and must take state power into their own hands. They can because the active majority of revolutionary elements in the two chief cities is large enough to carry the people with it, to overcome the opponent’s resistance, to smash him, and to gain and retain power. See more
For the Bolsheviks, by immediately proposing a democratic peace, by immediately giving the land to the peasants and by reestablishing the democratic institutions and liberties which have been mangled and shattered by Kerensky, will form a government which nobody will be able to overthrow. The majority of the people are on our side. This was proved by the long and painful course of events: the majority gained in the Soviets of the metropolitan cities resulted from the people coming over to our side.
The people are tired of the waverings of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries. It is only our victory in the metropolitan cities that will carry the peasants with us. We are concerned now not with the "day", or "moment" of insurrection in the narrow sense of the word. That will be only decided by the common voice of those who are in contact with the workers and soldiers, with the masses. The point is that now, at the Democratic Conference, our Party has virtually its own congress, and this congress (whether it wishes to or not) must decide the fate of the revolution. The point is to make the task clear to the Party. The present task must be an armed uprising in Petrograd and Moscow (with its region), the seizing of power and the overthrow of the government. We must consider how to agitate for this without expressly saying as much in the press. We must remember and weigh Marx’s words about insurrection, "Insurrection is an art", etc.
It would be naive to wait for a "formal" majority for the Bolsheviks. No revolution ever waits for that. Kerensky and Co. are not waiting either, and are preparing to surrender Petrograd. It is the wretched waverings of the Democratic Conference that are bound to exhaust the patience of the workers of Petrograd and Moscow! History will not forgive us if we do not assume power now. There is no apparatus? There is an apparatus—the Soviets and the democratic organisations. The international situation right now, on the eve of the conclusion of a separate peace between the British and the Germans, is in our favour. To propose peace to the nations right now means to win. By taking power both in Moscow and in Petrograd at once (it doesn’t matter which comes first, Moscow may possibly begin), we shall win absolutely and unquestionably.
One time I was frightened, too, by Diaghilev but not any more - I am working very hard and am making great progress. But this progress is very different from that Diaghilev makes. I am different from Diaghilev, I have a heart - and I work with my heart and soul and hope to develop my spirit. I am no longer Nijinsky of the Russian Ballet - I am Vijinsky of God - I love Him and God loves me.
Gerhard Mutius was sitting next to me at an operetta at the Berlin theatre. He resigned from his post in Warsaw, but believes that everything will turn out well for us in Poland. If we protect Lithuania, we’ll push Poland into Austrian embrace, but it can only get financial support from us.
At the conference, the new Minister for War, Verhovsky, gave a speech. In order to restore the army, we need to reduce the number of personnel: barely one in ten people mobilised to this point were fighters, the rest remained at the rear. In the words of Kerensky: “If I ever sign a death sentence, you will curse me”. Unrest in Nizhny: Soldiers have seized hospitals and have shot the wounded; then they were sent to the front as volunteers”.
The news and rumours from the front are extremely gloomy. The army has no desire to fight whatsoever. They’ve taken Jacobstadt and are preparing to take Dvinsk, but everyone is quite sure that our troops have no intention of holding Dvinsk or Pskov against the Germans — if the Germans wish, they can simply take them. People are saying that some corps have officially reported to their commanders that they refuse to fight any more.
It was a nice clear autumn day; it went like all the other days.