A whole world of ideas and belief systems separates us, the non-socialists, from people “on the other coast.” It is not so much private and class-based interests that divide us, but a different understanding of the structure of human society and of the tasks of government.
I left power because there simply wasn’t any; the disease lies in the strange separation between power and responsibility. There are some who have complete power, but without a shadow of responsibility, while those who are in visible positions of power carry full responsibility, but without a shadow of actual power… See more
The state cannot be managed based on the foundation of an ongoing rally, and even less so can be done by the army based on collective leadership. After all, it is we who not only overthrew the holders of power, but overthrew and abolished the very idea of power; we destroyed the necessary foundations on which all power is built.
It was a nice warm day. During the morning I took a nice long walk. At 12 o'clock I gave Alexis a geography lesson. During the day we worked again in our vegetable garden. Even though the sun was scorching, we continued working successfully, I read until dinner time to myself and in the evening I read aloud. Yesterday we learned of the resignation of General Kornilov as Commander-in-Chief of the Petrograd Military District and this evening about the dismissal of Guchkov, See more
All of this happened because of the irresponsible interference in the direction of military power by the Soviet workers' deputation, which is very far to the left.
What has providence prepared for poor Russia? Well, It will be as God wills it.
Milyukov and Shingaryev went to the front. While they were gone, a Provisional Government meeting was unexpectedly called late one evening in Prince Lvov's apartment. Kerensky and Tereshchenko took it upon themselves to sharply attack the point about the Straits and Milyukov’s entire role in the Provisional Government. I was the only one to stand up for him. See more
The rest were silent or criticized Miliukov, his policy, and the question of the Straits was given no support. It was suggested that we should remove Miliukov. True, he heads a large social group. You can’t just throw him out. It was said that Milyukov could be given the Ministry of Education, but everyone supported the decision to remove him from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. I saw that the Provisional Government was descending into demagoguery, and I finally concluded that the only way out was to finally break the great compromise and go to battle, even with harsh measures. I then returned home and wrote Lvov a letter.
I wrote him that I couldn’t take any further part, nor could I share responsibility for the country’s disintegration, what is now happening and doesn’t meet any opposition in the Provisional Government. I asked to be considered relieved from my post. Then, in order to prevent any attempts to convince me otherwise, or make any impossible attempts on their part, I sent this letter to Lvov and a copy to the editors of the New Times with a request to print.
Guchkov’s resignation is a sensational one. Sensational not in itself, but in the manner in which it occurred: without issuing any warning to the government, without engaging in any preliminary discussions of the matter with his ministry colleagues, the minister of war quit his post even as the war raged on, declaring that the government lacked the capacity to fulfill its functions and that he, See more
the minister of war, could “no longer shoulder responsibility for the grievous sin being committed against the motherland.” This act signified an emphatic break between Guchkov and the Provisional Government.
The membership of the Provisional Government is still a conundrum. Born of a popular revolution, it is now made up of people who are as far away from the spirit of revolution and as close to the spirit of a coup d’etat as it as it is possible to imagine. The Minister of War in the Provisional Government, Guchkov, is the former alter ago of Stolypin the “hangman”. The Foreign Minister, Milyukov, is an imperialist who supports continuing the war “to a victorious end”. It is impossible to place one’s trust in any of the generals. See more
There is no support for the revolutionaries either among the regular officers or among the tradesmen. The peasants do not share the idea of internationalism, as the workers do, and are susceptible to the influence of nationalism under the pretext of a defensive war. The internationalists in the army are the worst soldiers. And finally, the Russian internationalist cause has neither a single outstanding leader, nor a single representative in government. Lenin is not sufficiently even-tempered.
In Petrograd the output of the month March 13th to April 13th showed signs of falling by from one-third to two-thirds of the output of February. If factories
We arrived into Pskov. On the train station I was greeted by some colonel who asked me to proceed into the sovereign’s train car. I wanted to first meet general Ruzskiy to get a sense of the sentiment in Pskov. Me and Shulgin proceeded to the Czar’s train car.
The Emperor's last official act was to appoint the Grand Duke Nicholas Nicholaievich commander-in-chief and Prince Lvoff (the popular leader of the Zemstvos) as the new President of the Council. For, as the result of a compromise between the Duma committee and the Soviet, a Provisional Government had been formed to carry on the administration of the country till a con- stituent assembly had decided whether Russia was to be a Repubic or a Monarchy.
The principal members of this Government belonged to the Cadet and Octobrist parties. Miliukoff, the leader of the former, was appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Guchkoff , the leader of the latter. Minister of War. Kerensky, who was made Minister of Justice, served as a link between the Soviet and the Government, and it had been mainly thanks to him that the opposition of the former had been overcome. During the heated discussion that had taken place on the question of the regency he had, in announcing his appointment as Minister of Justice, said in the Soviet: "No one is a more ardent Republican than I; but we must bide our time. Nothing can come to its full height at once. We shall have our Republic, but we must win the war; then we can do what we will."
I am not going to play games with you. If you suspect us of being engaged in politics, I will not dispute it for a minute. Yes, we are involved in politics, but it is the government that has turned us into a political organisation. We think the question of defence can only be resolved if the political conditions of our work are altered.
We need to steer a course for a coup d’état. All the elements necessary to trigger an explosion are already in place: the condition of the decaying regime itself; the deep mistrust of, and contempt for, that regime on the part of all strata of Russian society; external failures; and, finally, grave material hardships behind the lines—in a word, a comprehensive recipe for an explosion.
I am convinced that the army, like one man and with few exceptions, will side with the revolution.